The interim government headed by Nobel peace laureate Professor Muhammad Yunus has also signalled such changes by initiating some crucial reform programmes.
Bangladesh is yet to know exactly what kind of rule that affects people's life and livelihoods, it is going to have in the near future, following the fall of the fascist regime in August 2024. It is, for sure, not the system of (mis-)governance with a deliberate anti-people approach the ousted prime minister, Sheikh Hasina, had established and maintained during her one-and-a-half-decade rule.
One of many fallacious standpoints of her Awami League government to justify its stay in power is its narrative of ‘development’ when it actually patronised a small class of oligarchs that plundered public resources as suggest the reports of siphoning off billions of dollars earned through corrupt means. It is not that only concentration of resources within the beneficiaries of the regime deprived the masses of benefits of wealth created in the past few decades, but also a targeted supply of money towards the ruling elite has led to price escalation, making it hard even for the middle class to buy essentials. In absence of just distribution of budgetary resources and due obviously to lack of adequate opportunities within the country, the commoners were struggling to survive and millions of Bangladeshis have reportedly joined the army of new poor in recent years.
In a country where the people were being denied voting and other rights on the plea of development, that very development eluded the masses and thus they felt cheated as proven at long last. It is the aggrieved people who exposed the corrupt regime’s face, and its designs and attempts to fool them with a false sense of development. They indicated their economic expectations from the state as well by joining the bloody revolution that not only dislodged Hasina from power but also shattered her system that betrayed the people.
Lest we forget, the politico-economic system of the bygone era was characterised by rampant corruption, bribery, extortion, nepotism, kickbacks, rent-seeking at public establishments, tender and stock market manipulation, loan forgery, land-grabbing, money laundering, patronising oligarchs, abuse of power, politicisation of institutions, question paper leaks in recruitment test, hiring and posting unqualified people in important positions, over-pricing project costs and during procurement and a wholesale culture of impunity. This created an atmosphere devoid of public trust in securing justice while the state machinery had shown a hostile neglect to the majority of population.
In that context, the people other than the beneficiaries wanted to get rid of economic injustice Sheikh Hasina and her clique planted deep into the state’s system and also in many people's culture and psyche. Still, there are reasons to be optimistic since the student-mass revolution of the new century rejected the old corrupt values and system, at least for the time being.
Despite the initial success of the July-August revolution, it may not be easy to remove the remnants of the past system and build a completely fresh one, given the challenges involved in the process of carrying out necessary reforms and deployment of right people in right positions. The key saboteurs now could be detected in the beneficiaries of the Hasina regime for they had amassed massive wealth before losing state power.
On whether the people will be able to access economic entitlements and get justice and fair treatment in the future state, let me argue, it is pertinent to deal with the old question of whether an oligarchical system gave birth to a dictator Hasina or she herself as a politician and ruler created the crony capitalism that discriminated all others other than their ‘men’ while distributing any economic benefits. Experience shows, it is politics which determines all other business in society, if the political leaders and rulers are serious about doing so.
However, the people’s aspirations as expressed in the vortex of the revolution, have not been fully translated into political agenda in absence of a manifesto formulated or announced before or after 05 August 2024, the day which promised the beginning of a new era free from discriminatory rule.
So, change is the call of the day and that must also be done taking into account people’s demands and known and unknown needs of the present and future generations. The interim government headed by Nobel peace laureate Professor Muhammad Yunus has also signalled such changes by initiating some crucial reform programmes. Of course, there is a higher scope to ensure better delivery of the state’s services, apart from higher level of public expectations created out of the once-unthinkable political changeover.
A note of caution is that the commoners often get disillusioned fast about the promises of change unless there are tangible positive changes they find in their own lives and surroundings, delivered by the authorities responsible for giving legal, institutional and political shape to public aspirations attached with a revolution. Thar is why, it is imperative of the incumbent to assess short, medium and long-term needs of the people and explore ways to improve their lives, economically and otherwise.
No less important is the political ownership of the public agenda and today, that is more critical because the July-August revolution was not spearheaded by any political party directly although major opposition parties had then their support and participation through their activists in the popular demonstrations that turned into a revolution.
Now the pro-revolution political elements, obviously including the main contenders for power, are facing historic challenge and responsibility to accommodate the people’s aspirations expressed in the revolutionary zeal of short duration. Their negation of the fascist system has definitely opened a new horizon of scope of works which should be dealt with, by their representatives based on business acumen and administrative statecraft.
Remember, the demand for removal of discriminatory quota system in the public service raised by the university students sparked the revolution that finally advocated changing the system to establish justice, fairness, competition, equality and dignity for all people of all strata.
The new generations of Bangladeshis deserve an atmosphere to grow, supposed to be created by the state. Development programmes should be focused on growth of individuals and welfare of common citizens, especially the helpless ones. Quality education should be made the priority agenda for attaining national prosperity and democratic culture in all spheres of society.
The nation’s key economic agenda for future may include talent hunt, higher investment in education and research, patronising entrepreneurship, regulation free from corruption, fair competition for business, reforms in taxation, wealth statement by public servants including elected representatives, affordable healthcare, making cities liveable and protection of farmland and environment. These may be pursued before and after the next general elections keeping the stakeholders aligned with public interest issues.
The present government, entrusted with historic responsibility, has to build the bridge between the revolution and future political order for defining and setting in motion the economic policies, rules, regulations and recommendations for and amendment to laws and rebuilding the institutions. In Bangladesh, unfortunately, the experts in economic affairs often lack understanding of political implications of economic policy decisions and the political authorities shy away from learning properly the economic issues. For example, historically, most of the members of parliament (MPs) remained uninterested in or not so conversant with the budget-making process, which is their key job alongside law-making. Also, government officials sometimes misstep while trying to regulate the kitchen market due to deficiency in their knowledge of the supply chain.
Therefore, the Bangladeshi politicians, who are willing to become public representatives in local government bodies and national assembly (Jatiya Sangsad) or remain as part of pressure groups in the coming days, need to be oriented with the political economy of the nation in changing circumstances. This is particularly important for stopping the possibility of revival of the old mafia economic dispensation and meeting the needs of a new society in the country. Thankfully, the revolution has affirmed that our children have the right to pursue their dreams and happiness in an equitable and harmonious society.
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Author: Khawaza Main Uddin, a widely acclaimed, prolific writer of political opinions, has been working as a professional journalist in leading media outlets for three decades, focusing on public rights and policies, development, farming and other economic issues and socio-political and foreign policy matters. He is the only Bangladesh reporter to win the UN MDG Award 2007, the first Bangladeshi winner of DAJA in Tokyo in 2008 and won WFP awards twice.